Address by the President of South Africa, Thabo Mbeki, to the
Hellenic Foundation for European and Foreign Policy (ELIAMEP), King George Hotel,
Athens, 24 February 2005. Chairperson, Professor Theodore Kouloumbis, Members
of the Hellenic Foundation for European and Foreign Policy, Distinguished
Guests, Ladies and Gentlemen: It is a privilege and honour to visit this
beautiful country and have an opportunity to address such an important gathering
of the Hellenic Foundation for European and Foreign Policy. I am indeed very happy
because I see this as part of the important engagement that must define the relationship
between this cradle of western civilization and the people of Africa. This
is the relationship that historians and scholars would say is the continuation
of a close and intimate relationship that the ancient Greece and the ancient Egypt
in particular shared for hundreds of years; a relationship which is noted in the
writings of such great philosophers as Plato and Aristotle who made inferences
to the great temples of learning in places such as the Thebes and Memphis in ancient
Egypt. History correctly credits and documents the enormous influence of
Greek political development on Europe, wherefrom it spread widely and rapidly
to many parts of the world, including Africa. Many Africans are proud that
the ideas of Greek democracy arising from the concept of the City-state, the Council
of the Wise, the establishment of the Senate and other participatory processes
found easy resonance with African traditional mechanisms for consultation and
decision-making. Perhaps this is expected since the civilisation of the ancient
Egypt had a profound impact on the subsequent Greece civilisation. While
in modern times the nascent systems of democratic participation in Africa could
not blossom due to the interventions of the brutal systems of slavery and colonialism,
we are however happy that the democratic seeds planted by the ancestors of this
ancient land have germinated and developed into sophisticated foundations of modern
civilizations, of which many of us throughout the world embrace. And so,
today we have come here to the shores of the Hellas to share and exchange ideas
on the current challenges facing our common world. The last part of Michael
Edwards' book, 'Future Positive - International Co-operation In The 21st Century',
has this to say: "Much of the world has developed at breakneck speed
over the last 200 years, but we are still incapable of living at peace with ourselves
or with each other, and unwilling to eradicate the scandal of global poverty and
hunger. We have the resources, the technology, the ideas and the wealth, but we
don't yet have the will and imagination to harness these things to higher purpose.
Hundreds of detailed proposals have been made, and hundreds more have been made
by others, but none has the slightest guarantee of success. The only certainty
is the certainty of struggle, and life, as M. Scott Peck is fond of saying 'is
what happens when we plan something else'. What lies ahead is the still-constant
movement of engagement and retreat, two steps forward and one step back, that
demands the courage and conviction to carry on regardless." (P232,
Published by Earthscan Publications Ltd, 1999) Michael Edwards wrote this
book in 1999, obviously reflecting mainly on the developments of the 20th century
with regard to matters of peace, poverty and underdevelopment. He was reflecting
on what the international community had done or not done in a century that was
about to come to an end. Accordingly, given the destructive fury of the
two world wars, the countless liberation wars from colonialism and racism, many
other regional wars and internecine conflicts in all parts of the world in the
last century, it would have been difficult to disagree with Edwards when he said
in 1999 that "we are still incapable of living at peace with ourselves or
with each other". And because as we were approaching the end of the
20th century, global poverty and hunger were on the increase amidst unprecedented
affluence resulting in an ever-growing disparity between rich and poor, between
and within nations, none would have disputed the assertion that: "(we are)
unwilling to eradicate the scandal of global poverty and hunger"; even though,
as Edwards said, "we have the resources, the technology, the ideas and the
wealth, but don't yet have the will and imagination to harness these things to
higher purpose". Accordingly, I think it will be important to look
at what the global community, including Africa, has done since 1999 in the context
of what Michael Edwards had said in his book. I would like to start first
with developments on the African continent since 1999 and then move to the global
response to the situation of poverty and underdevelopment since the year 2000
and then assess whether we are on course to bring peace and stability in the world
and defeat the scandal of global poverty and hunger. As we bade farewell
to the last century and welcomed the 21st century, the poverty and underdevelopment
in Africa stood in stark contrast to the prosperity and development of the rich
countries of the North. Africa was politically and economically marginalized and
the vast majority of her people socially excluded. Half of the 800 million
people on the African continent lived on less than US$1 per day while the mortality
rate of children under five years of age was 140 per 1000. Only 58 percent of
the population had access to safe water. The rate of illiteracy for people over
15 was 41 percent and there were only 18 mainline telephones per 1000 people compared
with 146 for the world and 567 for developed countries. (Source: NEPAD document) In
the three decades before the end of the 20th century, a number of interventions
were made to address the poverty and underdevelopment of the African continent.
In the main, these initiatives, even though well-intentioned, were designed by
outsiders for Africans, with little input from the Africans themselves. Some of
these interventions led to a debt crisis that is still a stranglehold on many
African countries. Of course this desperate reality at the end of the 20th
century is part of a long story of African impoverishment that was accentuated
by the legacy of colonialism, the cold war, the inequalities in the workings of
the international economic and financial systems and the incorrect policies pursued
by many African countries in the post-independence era. Faced with this
desperate situation, the political leadership on the African continent decided
to answer the correct, yet gloomy assertion of Michael Edwards that: "we
are still incapable of living at peace with ourselves or with each other, and
unwilling to eradicate the scandal of global poverty and hunger". As Africans,
we said we are willing to address these pertinent issues raised by Edwards - the
issues of peace and stability as well as the challenges of poverty and underdevelopment.
Indeed, we even went further to deal with such important matters as democracy,
peoples and human rights and other matters that are central to the attainment
of a developed and prosperous Africa. In this regard, two processes were
critical. We transformed the Organisation of the African Unity (OAU) into the
African Union (AU). This was important and necessary because although the OAU
played a disciplined and steadfast role to defeat colonialism and apartheid on
the continent, we needed a new type of organisation with a fresh mandate to face
the contemporary continental and international challenges. Central among these
were the challenges of development, peace and stability, democracy and people
and human rights. To respond to the critical challenge of widespread poverty
and underdevelopment facing many African countries, Africans produced an AU development
programme, the New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD). This programme
was initiated by the African political leadership who made the commitment that:
"The New Partnership for Africa's Development is a pledge by African leaders,
based on a common vision and a firm and shared conviction, that they have a pressing
duty to eradicate poverty and place their countries, both individually and collectively,
on a path of sustainable growth and development and, at the same time, to participate
actively in the world economy and body politic. The programme is anchored on the
determination of Africans to extricate themselves and the continent from the malaise
of underdevelopment and exclusion in a globalising world." Initiated
by the political leadership on the African continent, the programme is now supported
and has been adopted by various sectors of the African people, coming from different
stations in life. Through NEPAD we have identified numerous programmes
around water, energy, telecommunication and transport infrastructure, human resources
development initiatives including work on expanding access to education, especially
for rural communities, access to ICT's improving the health infrastructure on
the continent and paying special attention to communicable diseases such as TB,
AIDS and Malaria and mobilising for affordable drugs. An important part
of NEPAD is the issue of food security and the improvement of the agricultural
sector, ensuring better capacity and efficiency and improving investment in this
sector. Related to this is the critical matter of market access to the markets
of the developed nation. Further, as we know, Africa is a huge mining continent.
Yet, the beneficiation of the raw materials has, for many years been done exclusively
in Europe. Accordingly, a process of building a strong value addition capacity
in the mining industry has started, beginning with South Africa. We have
also, through NEPAD, initiated what we call The African Peer Review Mechanism.
The primary purpose of the Peer Review Mechanism is to ensure the adoption of
policies, standards and practices that lead to political stability, high economic
growth, sustainable development and accelerated sub-regional and continental economic
integration through the sharing of experiences and the reinforcement of successful
and best practices, including the identification of deficiencies and an assessment
of needs for capacity building. It is a self-assessment mechanism that is meant
to ensure broad-based buy-in and ownership of the development process; On
the matters of peace, stability and democracy we have created some of the important
organs of the AU, including the Peace and Security Council and the Pan African
Parliament. Already, the Peace and Security Council is playing an important role
in some of the conflict areas on the continent. Indeed, the AU is working
to bring permanent peace to the Cote d'Ivoire and in collaboration with the UN
to do the same in the Darfur region in Sudan. As part of entrenching and consolidating
democracy on the continent we have worked tirelessly with the people of the DRC
and Burundi, the result of which is that both countries will be holding democratic
elections this year, ushering a new era away from decades of conflicts and autocracy.
Chairperson, For our efforts to succeed in all we are doing, we have
placed special emphasis on the need for partnerships between and within the African
countries, between Africa and other developing countries and between Africa and
the developed world. Naturally, these partnerships would take various forms such
as government to government, people to people, regional partnerships and other
important forms. We do all these because we have a pressing duty to ensure
that we place the urgent issues of development and their implementation on the
global agenda in a systematic and consistent manner until the metaphorical global
village ceases to be separated into two sections, one developed and rich, the
other underdeveloped and poor. Accordingly, we continue to work, in addition
to the efforts on our own continent, through the UN and other multilateral bodies,
with our partners in the North and South, and with regional groupings like the
EU. We are happy that the partnerships that we are talking about were given
concrete expression when, last year, the EU development Ministers made a commitment
to advance the important matters of peace, security and development in Africa.
They decided to show political and financial leadership in efforts to achieve
the Millennium Development Goals, with a special emphasis and focus on Africa. In
this regard, the EU has taken a decision to establish the African Peace Facility
as well as the European Security and Development Policy for Africa. This will
enable Europeans to respond more effectively to Africa's security needs. This
Fund is a manifestation of a decision by African leaders during the AU Summit
held in Maputo in 2003, to set up a facility from funds allocated to African countries
through the EU development cooperation agreements with Africa and will finance
peacekeeping operations in Africa. Further, we support the initiatives
of the European Union in restructuring ODA funding, which will then permit the
use of ODA funds for purposes of post-conflict reconstruction and development.
In particular, it will enable Africa to utilise ODA funds for the demobilization,
disarmament and reintegration of combatants into civil society. This includes
the very vulnerable group of child-soldiers. We are also confident that
the G8 Summit of this year will strengthen and give more impetus to NEPAD and
take the African Agenda forward. As we know, Prime Minister Tony Blair who this
year chairs both the G8 and the EU is giving special priority to the challenges
facing the African continent. These partnerships between the G8 and Africa
and the EU and Africa are responding in a concrete manner to Michael Edwards'
observation in 1999 that 'we are still incapable of living at peace with ourselves
or with each other, and unwilling to eradicate the scandal of global poverty and
hunger'. Clearly, the next stage is the actual implementation that must surely
bring tangible results of a better life. Chairperson; Since the year
2000, when the United Nations adopted the Millennium Development Goals, it seems
as if the international community generally was at last also able to answer in
the affirmative the challenge posed by Edwards. Not only did the world
community through the United Nations adopt far-reaching measures to address the
scandal of poverty and underdevelopment in the face of available resources. The
leaders of the nations of the world, both rich and poor, pledged themselves to
implement agreed programmes within specific time-frames. As we know, in
addition to the Millennium Goals the UN adopted other important decisions aimed
bringing a better life to all the peoples of the world. These include the Johannesburg
Plan of Action on Sustainable Development, the Monterrey Consensus on development
finance and the Doha Round of the WTO. This year, the international community
will have the opportunity to review some of these agreements particularly the
Millennium Goals, the Doha Round as well as the Copenhagen Social Summit and the
Beijing's Women Summit both of which will, during the course of 2005 mark a decade
since they were convened. We are however concerned that most of the targets
contained in the Millennium Development Goals and supported by the Johannesburg
Plan of Action, will not be met, something that may confirm the belief that we
are 'still incapable of living at peace with ourselves or with each other, and
unwilling to eradicate the scandal of global poverty and hunger'. It will
therefore be important that we use the occasion of the review of the Millennium
Development Goals during the UNGA in September this year to frankly and honestly
deal with the real reasons that have delayed the implementation of these goals.
Certainly, it is not because there is a lack of resources to address poverty and
underdevelopment in the world. Certainly, it is not because we do not have the
plans to defeat poverty and underdevelopment. It is simply because there is no
political will to address and defeat poverty and underdevelopment. Among
the things we need to do is the urgent implementation of the Monterrey targets,
in addition to successfully completing the Doha Round. An important and
related matter to all these is the reform and democratisation of the United Nations
which we believe would be taken forward during the course of this year. I believe
that once the reform process is completed, we will see greater balance between
issues of development and those of security. Indeed, the UN Report on Threats,
Challenges and Change has adopted a broad perspective on security and correctly
recognised the interrelated nature of security and development and especially
emphasises the fact that development is an indispensable foundation for a new
collective security system. In this regard, I believe that the leadership
such as has convened today, has a role to play as part of the agents of change
that advocate for the full implementation of the agreed positions of the UN and
other multilateral structures; always forming regional and global partnerships
so that together we can harness our collective energies and ensure that the poor
and the marginalised will begin to lead a better life. Chairperson; We
have just celebrated 10 years of freedom and democracy in South Africa. During
this period, we have taken numerous strides in advancing the quality of life of
our people through deliberate and targeted programmes of reconstruction and development.
We are confident that in the next decade, we will make even greater progress in
pushing back the frontiers of poverty. At the same time, South Africa,
perhaps more than any other place in the world has the unenviable task of creating
a non-racial and non-sexist society out of a population which for the past three
and half centuries has been deliberately divided, taught to hate each other, whites
made to believe that there are superior to their black compatriots and resources
directed at the development and prosperity of the white population at the expense
of blacks. The last ten years has been challenging, both with regard to
the possibilities of creating a strong South African nation, united in its diversity
as well as the daunting reality of entrenched stereotypes among some of our people.
Yet, we are encouraged by the manner in which ordinary South Africans, black and
white have found creative ways of forging ahead with this project of creating
a successful non-racial and non-sexist society. In 1994 some South Africans
packed their bags and left for Europe, North America and Australia and New Zealand.
Today, inspired by an initiative by fellow white South Africans, called 'Homecoming
Revolution', many of those who left are returning determined to make their contribution
to the success of this South African project of building a non-racial and non-sexist
society. Because we are confident that we will succeed, we invite all of
you to visit our country and witness a project that in reality belongs to all
of humanity. Having observed perennial conflicts and wars, debilitating
and acute levels of poverty and underdevelopment, Michael Edwards made bold to
say: "we are still incapable of living at peace with ourselves or with each
other, and unwilling to eradicate the scandal of global poverty and hunger." I
will like to invite you, the descendents of the ancestors of democracy, to join
us as we respond to Edwards' assertion and together forge partnerships that will
show the way by making whatever contribution to ensure that we live at peace with
ourselves and with each other; that we help to make the available resources, technology,
ideas and wealth to eradicate poverty and underdevelopment. Together we
can! I thank you. Enquiries: Please contact Bheki Khumalo on +27 83
256 9133 Issued by The Presidency Communications: Media Liaison Private
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